EDUCATIONAL COMMENTARY
Issued Twice-monthly by Marx House
in association with the Daily Worker
SECOND SERIES
No. 6
AUG. 13, 1943
TWEXTY ONE YEARS OF
FASCIST RULE IN ITAEY,
When Mussolini was overthrown and replaced by the Badoglio Government,
Fascism in Italy was shaken to its foundations, but not destroyed. Through
Badoglio, the rulers of Italy strove to maintain their dictatorship, to continue
war against the United Nations, A state of siege was proclaimed; Badoglio
had declared war against the movement of the people for peace and freedom.
Through RADIO MILAN, the leaders of the united peoples movement
have issued the call for a general strike and mass demonstrations to frustrate
the pro-fascist policy of Badoglio, to break with Nazi Germany, to restore
the freedom of the trade unions, and win peace and freedom. The people
are called on to take over power in the cities and villages, to take up arms
for a People’s National Government of Peace and Freedom.
The purpose of the Commentary is to show the main facts of the rise of
fascism in Italy, the part played by the Badoglios, and the struggle of the
people for liberation.
HOW AND WHEN DID THE
• FASCIST MOVEMENT
COME INTO BEING IN
ITALY?
The first fascist organisation was formed
in Italy in 1915, when Italy was still
neutral in the Imperialist World War.
The forerunner of the fascist party, the
Fasci di Azione Intervenista, was set up
with French subsidies to carry on propa¬
ganda for Italian intervention in the war
against Germany and Austria.
In March, 1919, it was re-named the
Fascio di Combattimento. At this time
Italy was the scene of a powerful revolu¬
tionary movement, and the aim of the
Fascists was to disrupt the unity and
power'of Italian labour, to act as the
storm-troops of reaction against the rising
tide of socialism.
In December, 1920, at a time when
Labour was becoming the strongest force
in Italy and the old-established bourgeois
parties were already thoroughly dis¬
credited, the reactionary forces promoted
the transformation of the fascist organisa¬
tions into a political party as a new
instrument to maintain their domination.
WHAT WAS THE RECORD OF
• MUSSOLINI BEFORE HE BE¬
CAME “DUCE” (LEADER)?
When the Imperialist War broke out in
1914 Mussolini was editor of the Socialist
anti-war paper, Avanti, and was signatory
to a Manifesto of the Socialist Party
calling upon the workers to “ get ready
to resist Italy’s being dragged into
the whirlpool of this frightful adven¬
ture.”
Within a few weeks he turned his coat.
Not yet daring to come out openly for war,
he preached “ relative neutrality.” In
October, 1914, he was expelled from the
Socialist Party, and in the following month
founded the paper Popolo d’Italia and the
Fasci di Azione Intervenista group to
campaign for Italy’s intervention in the
war. In all this Mussolini acted as a
paid agent of the French General
Staff, which furnished him with
liberal subsidies. He was also sub¬
sidised by the Italian Government,
which circulated the Popolo d’Italia free
among the troops to combat socialist
influence. Just as Hitler launched the
Nazi Party as an agent of the German
General Staff, so Mussolini launched
the fascist movement in Italy as a
hireling of the French and Italian
General Staffs.
WHEN DID FASCISM BE-
• COME A FORCE?
In the years immediately after the end
of the War, the movement of the workers
and peasants in Italy developed with great
rapidity.
Membership of the Socialist Party leapt
from 70,000 in 1918 to over 200,000 in
1919. Trade Union membership rose to
over 4 million (General Confederation
of Labour, 2,250,000; Italian Confedera¬
tion of Workers—the Christian T.U’s—
1,800,000). The Co-operative Movement
attained great strength, with over 19,000
societies.
In the General Election of November,
1919, the Socialist Party emerged as the
strongest single party, winning 156 out of
508 seats. In the municipal elections of
1920 they won control of over 2,000 local
authorities,more than one-thirdof the total.
In the 1919 elections the fascists did not
win a single seat. Mussolini polled only
4,795 votes in Milan, compared with
180,000 votes won by the Socialist candi¬
dates. In 1920 the membership of the
Fascist organisation was no more than
20 , 000 .
A year later, by the end of 1921, the
fascists claimed 248,000 members. Before
another year had passed a fascist govern¬
ment was in power.
Q what was the situation
• IN ITALY AT THIS TIME?
In September, 1920, employers in
Northern Italy tried to check the progress
of Labour by declaring a lock-out. The
workers took up the challenge, answering
by occupation of the factories. Over
half-a-million workers were in unchal¬
lenged control of the factories, running
them through their own workers com¬
mittees, protected by an armed workers
guard.
Italy was at a momentous turning point
in its history. Analysing this situation in
his Fascism and Social Revolution, R. P.
Dutt notes that:
“ the condition of victory (for social¬
ism) was that the movement began
by the occupation of the factories
should be extended to the conquest
of political power by the workers
which the bourgeoisie was then
powerless to resist,”
This extension did not take place. By
accepting a compromise settlement to end
the occupation of the factories, and
pleading for admission into coalition
governments—rather than lead the move¬
ment forward to the winning of power—
certain sections of the Socialist and Trade
Union leaders played into the hands of
reaction by allowing it time to prepare its
forces.
This was just what they wanted.
Throughout this period successive Italian
governments, not being able to command
the forces necessary to control the situa¬
tion (e.g. the troops sided with the
workers), pursued a policy of sham
liberalism and grudging concessions, on the
one hand, while—on the other hand—
preparing for a policy of violent oppression
when their forces were prepared.
BY WHAT MEANS WAS THE
FASCIST PARTY BUILT UP
TO BECOME THE STATE
POWER IN ITALY?
preparing for rev'enge—the total sup¬
pression of the Labour Movement, of all
democratic rights and liberties.
The Fascist Party, led by the renegade
socialist, Benito Mussolini, was their
chosen instrument and was built up for its
job by the following means:—
—By immense subsidies from the big
industrialists, large landowners,
merchants, bankers, etc. (Professor
Salvemini, in Under the Axe of Fascism,
gives many examples: sugar-beet pro¬
ducers putting ten centisimos on the
price of their produce, the Italian
Association of Joint Stock Companies
levying one-fifth of 1 per cent on the
capital of all companies, to subsidise the
Fascist legions).
—By sheer lying propaganda intended
to confuse the people by a show of
opposition to the reactionary circles.
(At this period Mussolini called for
abolition of the monarchy and nobility,
confiscation of war profits, abolition of
the stock exchanges, the land for the
peasants, workers’ control of industry,
and international disarmament.)
—the organisation of a fascist legion
on a military footing, the hooligans
who enlisted being paid from the
subsidies of the wealthy and armed
by the General Staff, with the con¬
nivance of the Government.
Within a few months of the compromise
settlement which brought the occupation
of the factories to an end, the reactionaries
had judged the time ripe to strike.
‘‘At the end of 1920 the fascists began
methodically to smash the trade unions and
co-operatives by beating, banishing or
killing their leaders and destroying their
property. ... All the organisations of the
working class, whatever their banner, were
marked down for destruction. . . the fas¬
cists were provided with arms, ammuni¬
tion, and means of transport by the
military authorities and could almost
always count on the passive and frequent
active connivance of the police." {Salve-
mini, “ Under the Axe of Fascism.)
Between January and May, 1921, the
Fascist Legions had destroyed the prem¬
ises of 120 local Labour Organisations,
conducted raids and attacks on 243 others,
killed 202 active workers and wounded
another 1,144. During the same period
2,240 workers were arrested for the crime
of self-defence, while only 162 of the
fascist hooligans were arrested.
By such means was the coming to power
of fascism prepared.
Q what is the truth
• ABOUT THE “FASCIST
REVOLUTION ” AND THE
“MARCH ON ROME”?
Mussolini has sedulously spread t-he
myth that the coming to power of fascism
was a “ revolution ” against the then rulers
achieved by a heroic “ March on Rome ”
All the time they were forced to retreat,
the ruling reactionary circles were actively person.
UNIVERSITY O' ALGERIA.
The facts are quite different. There
was no revolution in Italy.
The Fascist Movement was built up and
installed in power by the most powerful
and reactionary sections of the ruling class
as their chosen means of perpetuating
their profits, power, and class rule.
Those who today place hopes on the
Generals such as Badoglio should
remember that the fascist “ March on
Rome ” on October 28th, 1922, was
organised by six Army Generals, and that
the support of the militarist caste was
demonstrated by the fact that on the day
previous, October 27th, the Commander-
in-Chief of the armed forces addressed a
rally of the Fascist!.
Those who place hopes on King
Victor Emmanuel or others of the
House of Savoy, Italy’s monarchy,
should remember that Mussolini stayed
away from the “ March on Rome ” until a '
telegram from the King brought him to
the capital in a sleeping car in response to
the message:
“HONOURABLE MUSSOLINI:
His Majesty the King requests you to
come immediately to Rome, desiring
to charge you with the formation of a
Ministry. (Signed) GENERAL GUAR-
DINI.”
The bankers, industrialists and
landlords provided the subsidies to
finance fascism.
The generals provided the arms and
ammunition and officered the fascist
legions.
The Monarchy provided the cloak
of legality behind which Fascism was
installed in power.
WHEN DID ITALY GOME
• UNDER COMPLETE FASCIST
DICTATORSHIP?
Not until 1926. From the time of the
“ March on Rome ” in 1922 till 1926 the
Italian workers maintained an unbroken
resistance. Here is the “ casualty list ''
for twelve months. Sept., 1925-Sept., 1926:
76 workers assassinated; 349 wounded;
7,858 arrested; 12,252 raids and searches
on workers’ houses, 131 organisations
broken up; 406 newspapers banned.
As a result of this resistance Mussolini
could not immediately impose full fascist
dictatorship:—
“ at first a show of parliamentary forms and
permission of opposition parties and press
was maintained, alongside wholesale
governmentally maintained violence and
terrorism in practice. It was not until
1926 that the completed Fascist dictatorship
was finally established, with complete sup¬
pression of all other parties, organisations
and Press, the Workers' Trade Unions
being officially incorporated in the fascist
syndicates." {R. P. Dutt, “ Fascism and
Social Revolution.")
WHY WAS THE LABOUR
• MOVEMENT UNABLE TO
PREVENT FASCIST RULE ?
The clue to the solution of this riddle is
provided by Professor Salvemini in Under
the Axe of Fascism.
Labour was the one force which could
have wrecked the plans of reaction for
imposing a fascist dictatorship. But
Labour failed because the movement was:
“ divided among themselves and
hence incapable of united action.”
In the Trade Union field the workers
were split through the existence of two
Confederations (in effect, two T.U.C’s)
plus a number of strong anarchist unions.
In the political field, too, the forces
of the workers were divided (those who
wish to make a closer study of the facts
and causes of this division should read the
articles on the subject in the Selected
Works of Lenin, Vol. 10).
Together with this lack of unity was the
absence of firmness of purpose and clarity
of aim. At decisive moments (e.g.
occupation of the factories), the dominant
sections of the leadership (e.g. Seratti)
showed a fatal irresolution.
The working class of Italy and other
countries has paid a heavy price for
this lack of unity, which made pos¬
sible the victory of fascism, and has
still to learn the full lessons.
WHAT HAS FASCIST RULE
o IN ITALY MEANT FOR THE
COUNTRY AND ITS PEOPLE ?
Twenty-one years of fascist rule have
brought nothing but national shame and
disaster upon Italy.
—Fascism promised prosperity; it brought
unheard-of poverty for the people and
bankruptcy on the nation.
—Fascism promised Italy the “ glories ” of
Empire; it brought the loss of all Italy’s
overseas territory.
—Fascism promised self-sufficiency ; in fact,
it reduced Italy to the shameful status of a
vassal of Hitler Germany.
—Fascism promised expansion and con¬
quests; instead it brought a series of
inglorious defeats.
WHAT BROUGHT THE
• DOWNFALL OF MUSSOLINI?
The immediate cause was the severe
internal crisis brought about by the
humiliating defeats suffered by the Italian
forces on all fronts. The invasion of Sicily
and the defeat of the Nazi summer
offensive by the Red Army brought the
crisis to a head. It would be wrong,
however, to overlook the part played
by the anti-fascist forces within Italy
itself.
The welcome to the British and
American armies in Sicily demonstrates
the longing of the Italian people for
liberation. But they do not passively
await liberation from without; they
have taken up the struggle to liberate
themselves.
For long, active resistance was confined
to a minority, with the majority expressing
their hostility by a sullen passive resist¬
ance, which in itself became a force:—
“ The decisive factor of Italy’s mili¬
tary impotence in this war has been
the indifference and hostility of the
masses, and consequently of the
soldiers, to Mussolini’s war adven¬
tures.” (Ercoli: Italians against Musso¬
lini.)
Since the Italian rulers dragged Italy
into war against the Soviet Union, passive
hostility has rapidly given way to militant
mass resistance. Great strikes in the main
industrial areas, widespread refusal of the
peasants to deliver crops and products,
undermined the regime. In many pro¬
vinces the movement reached the stage of
guerilla warfare. In Trieste, 71 guerillas
were tried in December, 1941. In Fiume,
17 guerillas were condemned in January,
1942. In Gorizia, 11 guerillas were shot
in June, 1942.
The defeats and humiliations suf¬
fered by the fascist armies do not
prove that “ Italians cannot fight,”
but only that they refused to sacrifice
themselves for the criminal imperial¬
ist policy of their rulers. The long-
sustained fight against the fascist
terror, the recent mass strikes, wide¬
spread sabotage, the guerilla warfare,
as well as the glorious record of the
Garibaldi Division of Italian anti¬
fascists who fought with the Inter¬
national Brigade against Mussolini,
Hitler, Franco in Spain, prove that the
Italian people can fight well and be
worthy allies in a just cause.
The weakening of fascism through the
military victories of the United Nations
made possible the emergence of a powerful
anti-fascist mass movement. Fearing that
they would be swept from power, the
ruling class has thrown Mussolini to the
wolves. By so doing, they strive to keep
power in their own hands, damp down and
confuse the mass movement, and as the
activities of the Badoglio Government
prove—carry on the essence of the fascist
policy and dictatorship over the people,
while continuing the alliance with Hitler
Germany against the democratic nations.
IS BADOGLIO, OR THE
• HOUSE OF SAVOY, THE
ONLY ALTERNATIVE TO
MUSSOLINI?
Fascism destroyed the legal organisa¬
tions of the Italian people and killed, broke
in prison, or forced into exile their best
leaders. But the recent wave of mass
strikes, the existence of a widely-circulated
anti-fascist press, and the work of the
illegal anti-fascist radio stations, is the
proof that the people of Italy have
forged powerful new organisations
and centres of anti-fascist unity, and
have thrown up new leaders from
their ranks.
So long ago as January, 1942, the Daily
Worker reported the establishment of a
united front of the Socialist and Com¬
munist parties with the “ Justice and
Liberty ” movement on the basis of a
common programme and joint work for
the formation of Committees of Action
against war and fascism.. In December,
1942, the Daily Worker reported the
extension of this united movement to
include Liberal, Catholic, Republican and
Democratic organisations.
It is this united national movement of
the people—and not the Badoglios—which
inspired, organised and led the mass
struggles which helped to bring about the
downfall of Mussolini. It is this move¬
ment which is leading the struggle of
the masses against the disastrous
policy of the Badoglio Government,
which demands a complete break
with Nazi Germany, and the estab¬
lishment of a representative govern¬
ment of the people.
It is in the united anti-fascist move¬
ment, expressing the will and inter¬
ests of the people, that Italy will find
its salvation and the United Nations a
firm ally.
WHAT IS OUR RESPONSI-
• BILITY IN THIS SITUATION ?
The events in Italy prove that the
peoples in the countries under fascist
domination are ready to rise against their
oppressors when the military blows of the
United Nations prepare the conditions.
Our first responsibility, therefore, is
to call for greater speed, weight and
co-ordination of the military offensive
in the West to match the terrific blows
being struck by the Red Army in the
East.
The events in Italy also prove that a
policy of intrigues with the reactionary
forces endangers the whole Allied cause.
Solidarity with the Italian people in their
demands for resignation of the Badoglio
Government, abdication of the King, and
for the formation of a National Govern¬
ment of Peace and Freedom will
strengthen the liberation movement in all
countries under the heel of Fascism.
RECOMMENDED READING
Books mentioned in the text
Fascism and Social Revolution and Under
the Axe of Fascism are out of print but will
be available from many Public Libraries.
Italians against Mussolini,
by Ercoli is available from Workers’
Bookshops, price 3d.
For current developments read the
Daily Worker.
Published by A. Massie for Marx House, I Doughty Street, W.C. 1, and printed by the
Euston Press, London, N.W. 1.
